Public space should be accessible to and used by all. (Arendt ,1958) It is particularly important,
as Fraser (1990) and Hartley (1992) argue, that by claiming that public space
as an embodiment of the public realm, it should include and foster interactions
between different groups of the society. It should also offer excluded groups
an opportunity to claim their rights of representation within the general
community.
Demographic accessibility refers to
the link between the production activities of the space and the output
generated to the entity operating it whether it’s a public or private agency. The production activities, such as retail, can be analyzed through the
formal and informal programs that the implemented design generates as well as
the one designed for [N1] [N2] .The inclusivity of the public space is established collectively
through the diverse groups that uses is to engage in dialogue, debate and
oppositional struggles. Key aspects of inclusive public space are its
suitability for gatherings and encounters and its accessibility as an arena
through which privacy is contested (Mitchell 1995)>Inclusive public space also encompasses the range of wage groups it serves and being served
to. Demographic accessibility is important since it allows for various
perceptions of the space to surface. In fact, (Ramon,
2004) advocates that variables
such as age, sex, social class and ethnic identity
affect the way urban life is perceived[N3] .
Physical accessibility is defined
by the nature of the network that links the urban space to its surrounding
urban fabric. The nature of these networks , highway or a pedestrian street,
can change their role from linkages to
obstructions facilitating or preventing exchange processes and therefore the
inclusivity as a quality of Publicness. “Environments,
individuals and/or groups perceived either as threatening, comforting or
inviting may affect entry into a public space” (Tiesdell and Oc, 1998: 648).
Symbolic accessibility can be
distinguished by the degree of users’ engagement with the space in terms of
active/passive engagement. The nature and the scope of
activities incorporated in the public spaces can either allow or prevent the
emergence of spaces of representation. The impact of the spaces of
representation vary depending on the flexibility of such a representation. If
it is narrow, it would only allow for representations of selected groups, if it
is wide, it would allow for overlapping representations and increase its circle
of influence beyond the development to the city scale.
This could even extend to national scale especially in
extraordinary events such as the place de martyrs in Beirut
in becoming an arena for multiple representations for Lebanon over the past two years. By
outlasting mortal lives, it memorializes and thereby conveys a sense of history
and society (Arendt 1958). Public spaces are defined in
terms of the social encounter and exchange “where groups’ interest converge ’(
Borja and Muxi ,2001;Glazer and Lilla 1987;Vernez Moodar 1992;Sorkin
1992;Tibbalds 1992;Worpole 1992). It reinforces the collective identity of the
community (Valle Del,1997; Franck and Paxson,1989;Gehl,1987;Lynch
960;Whyte,1980;Kenstler 1993;Ruddock 1996).
Reinforcing residents’ feelings of
belonging to the city is attributed to the actions that can be carried out in
public space which reflects an opportunity to urban justice (Borja, 2000).
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